APPLIED PSYCHOLOGY: AN INTERNATIONAL REVIEW, 1992.41 (1) 65-75

North American and European Research on Fear of Crime

Yvonne Bernard Laboratoire de Psychologie de I‘environnement, CNRS Universitk de

Paris V, France

L’objet de I’article est de dresser un panorama des differentes tendances qui structurent Ie domaine des recherches Europeennes et Nord Amtricaines sur le sentiment d’instcuritt. Trois orientations principales permettent de caracteriser les recherches. L a premitre est centrte sur I’effet des facteurs environnementaux susceptibles d’agir sur le sentiment d’ins6curit6. La deuxieme a pour objectif de mettre en evidence et d’expliquer les reactions differentes des sujets devant la pew. Dans le troisi&me courant de recherches I’accent est mis sur I’analyse des processus qui favorisent I’emergence et I’extension du sentiment d’instcuritt. Le choix de ces differentes orientations qui ne sont pas tgalement reprtsenttcs dans chaque pays depend en grande partie du contexte scientifique danq lequel les recherches se sont dtveloppt.

The purpose of this paper is to draw a panorama of principal trends which have sustained American and European research about the fear of crime. Three principal orientations characterise the research. In the first trend interest is focussed on the effects of environmental factors on the fear of crime. The second trend emphasises the differences between subjects and assesses the effects of different variables capable of explaining different individual reactions to fear. In the last trend emphasis is placed on the mechanisms which promote the emergence and growth of the fear of crime. The different research orientations are not present at the same level in each country and are often linked to a dominating scientific context.

INTRODUCTION Urban history teaches us that criminality and delinquence have always been a consequence of urban life (Chesnais, 1981; Remy & Voye, 1981). It is also known that criminality increases in direct relation to the size of cities

Requests for reprints should be addressed to Yvonne Bernard, Laboratoire de Psychologie de I’environnernent, CNRS Univenitt de Pans V, 28, NC Serpente, 75006 Paris, France.

@ 1992 International Association of Applied Psychology

66 BERNARD

and towns and that it is particularly high during periods of economic crisis. A more recent phenomenon is the emergence of the concept of insecurity. The notion of insecurity has fuzzy contours because it is related to social and economic precariousness, isolation and fragility of self-identity as well as violence, vandalism and fighting. But its emotional meaning gives it a strength and unity.

The term “insecurity” can be interpreted in two distinct ways: (1) As concrete facts from which reality can be recorded. Crimes can be qualified, monitored, and compiled, and can thus permit the establishment of a rate of criminality. It is then possible to infer the existence of relationships between certain places or certain districts with these rates; and (2) as a mental state, i.e. to the perception of a situation estimated as potentially dangerous, even if, objectively, it is not.

The purpose of the present paper is to draw a panorama of principal trends which have sustained American and European research about the feeling of insecurity or fear of crime. One of the major difficulties here lies in the definition of the subject matter itself. Although the term “fear of crime” seems to refer to a precise evocation, the way in which it is employed often demonstrates that, in fact, it is a polymorphic feeling that can be developed in different situations and which affects the relationship between individuals and the social world in which they live, in varying ways. This uncertainty of meaning leads to another difficulty of a methodological naturc. How is it possible to grasp and assess so complex a phenomenon? Even if the facts are relatively precise, as in the represent- ation of criminality, the way in which questions are asked can completely modify the outcome. Questioned about the nature of the most serious problem in the U.S.A. today, 16% of Americans cited crime and violence. When questioned about the same item in a closed question (Do you think that crime and violence is a serious problem today?), 35% of the subjects responded positively, or twice as many of those who responded to the open question (Schuman, 1981). The method most frequently used to evaluate fear of crime consists of employing indirect indicators; for example, the evaluation of security in the subject’s neighbourhood. Several large Amer- ican surveys on fear of crime, carried out on thousands of subjects, are based on questions which are too brief and too subjective, such as: “To what extent do you feel safe in your o m neighbowhood?” or “Is there a place near your home where you are afraid to walk alone during the night?” Criticisms of the uncertain character of the responses in the American surveys have led a number of researchers to think of better ways to analyse fear content. As far back as 1971 Furstenberg (1971) showed through a secondary analysis of a survey made in Baltimore, that residents of the “danger zones” are less scared than those.who live in the safest areas. This observation led him to produce a hypothesis distinguishing two

RESEARCH ON FEAR OF CRIME 67

types of fear: “Crime concern”, which is a general issue concerning crime; and “Crime risk”, which is a personal evaluation of one’s own safety. The work done by Garofalo and Laub (1978) partly confirms this hypothesis and demonstrates that fear, very often, is not linked to a representation of crime and aggression, but rather it shows a more general feeling related to such factors as: The perception of a social disorder provoked by an accumulation of incivilities; by a physical degradation of the environment which, to the inhabitants, shows a flaw in public order; and the incapacity of authorities to cope with the situation (Brower, 1983; Taylor & Schu- maker, 1985). This thesis on disorder was developed by several resear- chers. According to Lewis and Maxfield (1980) disorder does not act as a determining factor, but it may play a vital role if it were associated with the rate of criminality. The hypothesis which shows that there are two types of fear would have been taken into consideration and demonstrated in the studies which resulted in the FIGGIE report (1980)-a turning point in American research on the fear of crime. In a questionnaire which will be used to distinguish “concrete fear” from “formless fear”, concrete fear is evaluated on a Guttman scale as the extent of a subject’s concern at being a potential victim of six types of aggression: Murder, sexual assault, mug- ging, knifing, beating or armed robbery. Formless fear is evaluated by an index from unspecified questions-measuring one’s general feeling of safety in the home, in the neighbourhood, and in the community. Another phenomenon to be noted and which introduces doubts about the validity of the evaluation of fear of crime is its variability in relation to time. In France where respective studies are regularly conducted, we note that perceptible variations exist not only from year to year but also from season to season. Fear of crime is maximal from June to Octoter, on a medium level between October and March, and lowest between March and June. The reason is probably a mediating effect. During the summer political activity is reduced and criminal events are more prominent on TV and in news- papers. The impact of this media coverage on public perception and attitudes with regard to criminality has been proven in several studies (Skogan, 1981; Heath & Petratis, 1987). TV news seems to elicit greater effect than newspaper journalism. This phenomenon is related to a sub- sequent increase in fear (O’Keef et al., 1987).

Having introduced the definitions and methodological problems con- cerning scientific investigations into insecurity and the fear of crime, I will now illustrate the theoretical backgrounds which distinguish the major research trends from each other and which, as will be seen, are not represented in the same manner in every country. As with every type of behaviour concerning relationships between people and the environment, the majority of studies are based on the hypothesis that this relationship is interactive. The interaction constitutes a system in which it is possible to

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distinguish variables that characterise the individual, variables that char- acterise the environment, and variables that permit the description and understanding of the interaction. In accordance with the purpose of each study, observation is focused on one of the three components.

In the first, interest is focused on the effects of environmental factors on the subject’s behaviour. In the second, the objective is to emphasise the differences between subjects that are linked to biological or sociological variables (age, sex, cultural level). In the third, although one recognises the existence of these preceding effects, emphasis is placed on the “pro- cesses” themselves, for instance: Genesis and growth of the fear of crime, the impact of the media, and the influence of other people.

Although these distinctions are rather simplistic in their definition, they will serve as a guideline for the presentation of research approaches.

THE ENVIRONMENTAL TREND: PHYSICAL FACTORS OF THE FEAR OF CRIME

The environmental trend is certainly the oldest factor. In the tradition of the Chicago school, Jane Jacobs (1961) focused on the physical character- istics of the places where crimes were committed. The essential part of Jacobs’ theory was simple. City streets ‘are unsafe because they are deserted. For Jacobs, natural surveillance is the solution to the problem of crime prevention; there must be “eyes on the streets”: the eyes of residents and the eyes of people who are passers-by. So streets must be used continuously, both to add to the number of effective eyes and to induce residents in the buildings to survey the streets. This permanent activity also reduces the fear of crime. In his book, Defensible Space Newman (1972), like Jacobs, held that crime was allowed to flourish because housing design prevented residents from exercising informal control over their environ- ment. Newman tried to prove his theory with an analysis of 70,000 criminal incidents in 113 public housing complexes in New York. He was fiercely criticised on methodological grounds and for his failure to consider the social origin of informal control. In his reformulated Defens- ible Space theory. Newman (1979) became less physically deterministic and stressed instead the importance of social agents. He placed the emphasis on his so-called “communities of interest”, i.e. small clusters of residents sharing more or less the same lifestyle, age and family-type. At that time Newman stated that one should build houses or apartments for such communities of interest.

The Jacobs and Newman theories are aimed at residents and the environmental influence of their fear of crime and their ability to exercise control. The most useful application is not to crime itself but to social

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cohesion and the feeling of security (Merry, 1981; Taylor et al., 1983). Despite criticism Newman’s ideas became very popular in the United States and in Europe. Several projects on crime prevention through Environmental Design were implemented and evaluated during the seven- ties. The most famous European evaluations of Newman’s hypothesis have been conducted in the United Kingdom and in The Netherlands. In her book, Utopia on Trial Alice Coleman (1985) gives results of a survey carried out in London and Oxford to verify the occurrence of crimes in 4,000 flats and 4,000 private houses, noting the sue and disposition of buildings, the circulation paths, and the characteristics of entrance ways and accesses, as experimental variables. These variables were linked with the evaluation of insecurity criteria. The results widely confirmed the Newman theory. Only 12% of the 225 correlation coefficients proved to be nonsignificant.

In the United Kingdom as well, a great deal of attention has been given to the effects of lighting conditions on crime and the fear of crime. From time immemorial people have been afraid of the dark. Recent papers by Fleming (1987) and Simons et al. (1987) examined the effects of lighting. A well-lit place creates a warm, friendly atmosphere and reduces anxiety in people.

Security policy in The Netherlands has been widely influenced by Newman who has been consulted on several occasions, but whose solutions were not always well-adapted to the local context. Today, environmental characteristics that can be improved in order to limit fear of crime in The Netherlands have been explored by Van Selm et al. (1985), and Van der Voordt and Van Wegen (1979). These studies have shown in particular that the effect of environmental variables is stronger on women than on men (Van der Wurff et al., 1989).

In France very few studies can be connected to the environmental trend. Scientific research on insecurity started in a specific political context. For researchers the importance attached to space in political discourse appeared to be a ploy to reimpose social order across a physical set-up. In addition, in this discourse they also recognised the Hygienist thesis of Le Corbusier: Security = legitimacy, clarity, and cleanliness, and they went on to denounce Anglo-Saxon studies as a new avatar of Architectural Determinism. Thus, it is not surprising that in France very few studies have been conducted on this theme apart from those which were conducted by Chaguiboff (1989), and Moser (1989), which focus on spatial representa- tions of insecurity. One should also mention studies conducted by the RATP Public Transportation Authority which attempted to determine insecurity factors in the Parisian subway, i.e. conditions of traffic, design of stations and comdors, presence of human surveillance (Girardot, 1986).

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THE PSYCHO-SOCIOLOGICAL TREND: INSECURE GROUPS

A second way to approach the study of the fear of crime is to identify insecure groups whose attitudes play a very important role in the emerg- ence and growth of fear. The individual who is afraid passes that fear on to others. The fact that some groups may be more affected than others is observed in numerous American and European surveys. It is not possible within the scope of this paper to name all the studies that deal with this problem and try to understand and explain it. Generally, the results agree on several points: Fear of crime is greatest among persons living in urban areas (Kennedy & Krahn, 1984; Larson, 1982); women are more afraid than men (Braungart et al., 1980; Lee, 1982a); black people more than white people (Balkin, 1979), and above all, the elderly, are the most afraid (Antunes et al., 1979; Clemente & Kleiman, 1976; Garofalo, 1981; La- grange & Ferraro, 1983; Taylor & Cole, 1983). The perceived lack of safety cannot be explained as a reflection of greater exposure to risk of victimisation. Elderly women, for instance, have a high fear of crime but a relatively low rate of victimisation. This finding could be an argument in favour of the irrationality of fear but it seems that the manner in which questions were asked could have contributed a great deal of influence on the answer.

From the two most important studies conducted on the theme of the fear of crime, the FTGGIE report for the U.S. (1980) and the CRAC report for Canada (Brillon, 1983), the authors conclude that the results are not in favour of the irrationality of fear. If we consider the “concrete fear” indicators, it appears that 49% of young people from 18-29 years of age fear being a victim of aggression as opposed to 33% of senior citizens over 60 years of age. This is a good evaluation of risk because, according to the FBI Uniform Crime Report, people ranging from 20-29 years of age represent 33% of all murder victims. These results show that the fear expressed by the elderly is not as irrational as it may have been perceived to be by the previous studies. The said results have been confirmed by more recent studies (Jeffords, 1983; Lagrange, Randy, & Ferraro, 1987; Miethe & Lee, 1984; Stafford & Galle, 1984).

Nevertheless, the two reports confirm that “concrete fear” is higher for women than for men (46% vs. 36% in the US., 45% vs. 28% in the Canadian study) (Brillon, 1982). The contradiction between risk and fear is particularly significant with rape, in that 55% of American women are afraid of being raped whereas the number of declared victims is very low (0.06%). It is necessary to invoke here new explanatory factors such as women’s feeling of vulnerability (Warr, 1987). Feminist theory argues that fear is often more objective than statistics prove; it can result from a

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woman being physically abused by a husband, boyfriend or family member (Junger, 1987; Smith, 1988). This interpretation could be confirmed by the variations in fear of crime according to social context. In a French qualitative study on women living alone, a series of personal factors were observed: Loneliness, intrafamily violence and bad housing conditions could potentially create a climate of insecurity and be translated into an exaggerated fear of crime (Neyrand, 1991).

Fragility of identity can also explain why fear of crime is particularly developed among individuals who are the least integrated in society, i.e. blacks and unemployed individuals (Figgie, 1980; Liska, 1982; Parker & Keith, 1988; Rainwater 1966; Skogan & Mqfield, 1981).

A hypothesis generally suggested by sociologists is that the feeling of insecurity expresses a deeper distress which is based on a more concrete fear: Fear of attacks, burglary, etc. We may also consider that the rise in social and cultural levels permits a better evaluation of risk and con- sequently a better sense of self-control (Baker, 1983).

Social integration, the importance of inter-relational exchanges, and exposure to the external world can also modify the subjective perception of insecurity (Lagrange & Roche, 1989; Larson, 1982). For instance, for this study it was observed that elderly people who often go out are less afraid than those who do not. This last finding illustrates the difficulty of interpretation as one does not know where the problem lies concretely; whether the subjects in question are not afraid because they often go out, or if they often go out because they are not afraid.

In the studies that we have just cited, relationships are based on statistical relationships, often established between one sociological vari- able and the expressed fear. The relationship can be widely modified if we introduce various test-variables. For example, the correlation between age and fear is not at all the same in urban and rural areas (Lee, 1982b). Some scientists have proposed global patterns which attempt to assess the interaction of different variables. The best-known patterns are those proposed by Clemente and Kleiman (1977), by Skogan and Maxfield (1981), and by Taylor (1986), this latter being the most recent and complete.

THE COMPREHENSIVE TREND: MECHANISMS OF FEAR

The goal of the studies presented in the third part of this paper is to understand the mechanisms which encourage the emergence and the growth of the fear of crime. If we exclude research into the effects of media coverage already mentioned, studies presented in this last part are essen-

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tially of French origin. They began in the seventies and, as previously stated, lie within a specific political context in which the theme of insecurity was widely used for electoral purposes by French politicians. Faced with statistical surveys on “fear of crime”, French social scientists denounced the ambiguity of interpretations (Coing, 1980; Jeudy, 1983; Zauberman, 1982) and began to work in what could be qualified as a comprehensive approach. Rather than determine who was afraid, they tried to understand the nature of the fear and the way in which it emerged and grew. In this approach, which is quite similar to that of the ethnomethodological method, speech is considered as very important; above all it is fear that brings out speech. It is assumed that the analysis of discourse of insecurity (political, journalistic, or popular), will be the best material to understand the fear of crime. Through newspaper articles, interviews, and letters or calls to the police, researchers tracked down and flushed out “the Imagin- ings of Insecurity” (Ackerman, Dulong, & Jeudy, 1983). Particular atten- tion was paid to the way in which imaginary elements of insecurity were combined and consolidated at a collective level as well as through indi- vidual psychological reactions (Jeudy, 1982). The effect of the discourse, the way in which it was perceived, transmitted and spread, as well as the reactions that it produced, were the topic for analysis. Thus, Lagrange (1984) analysed the effects of criminal incidents discussed in the media concerning individuals. He concluded that it is more impressive when the victim of violence is neither a stranger, nor a person involved in organised crime, nor a person at high risk by virtue of a given profession, but an ordinary person with whom everyone can identify or, at least, belonging to a group related to oneself (social group, relatives, neighbours). In situa- tions that provoke rumours, it is equally important that the receiver of the rumour assumes the role of a potential victim (Bernard, 1978); rumours create social links and solidarity among potential victims. According to French studies (Coing & Meunier, 1980; Dulong, 1982-3), the analysis of popular speech demonstrated that social groups threatened in their social and economic position, for instance, small shop-owners and farmers, were the most critical groups vis-d-vis supposed failure of social law and order. It is in the same categories of people that the phenomenon of the “scape- goat” is most often observed and pointed out as being guilty of crime and disorder e.g. teenagers or foreigners (Dulong 1983). These results are in line with the research done in Canada (Brillon 1983) which showed relationships between viewpoints on punishment and several socio- demographic variables. The most punitive people are small home-owners, the elderly and people living in rural areas who often have a relatively strict and conservative vision of the world (Davis et al., 1986). Likewise, the goal of several recent French studies, also conducted with a comprehensive approach, was to analyse how the reputation of a district emerges as a

RESEARCH ON FEAR O f CRIME 73

consequence of different social interventions (management, police., social workers, local associations: Anselm, 1989; Dulong, 1989). It is worth adding that the studies which are currently being conducted try to evaluate the respective effects of these different interventions on the fear of crime.

CONCLUSION In this paper we have explored the different trends which structure the global theme of research studies concerning fear of crime. As observed, these trends are not evenly represented in time and space. The research orientations of different countries are often linked to a more or less developed scientific and theoretical context. The environmental trend is the oldest. It emanated from the United States and is today most widely represented in countries where a strong tradition of experimental research exists, as in the United Kingdom or The Netherlands. Sociological research is being given more and more importance in the United States where an increasing number of sophisticated approaches attempt to assess the effect of different variables capable of explaining different individual reactions to fear. Finally, the comprehensive trend, undoubtedly a result of a phenomenological tradition, is typical in France.

Manuscript received September 1990 Revised manuscript received July 1991

This article was accepted by the former editor Bernhard Wilpert

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